Body Ritual Among the Nacirema Essay Example for Free

Body Ritual Among the Nacirema Essay Sandra Bullard November 27, 2011 Body Ritual Among the Nacirema Dr. Chan Body Ritual Among the Nacirema The Nacirema are a North American group living in the territory between the Canadian Cree, the Yaqui and Tarahumare of Mexico and the Carib and Arawak of the Antilles. According to the Nacirema mythology, their nation was originated by a culture hero, Notgnihsaw, who otherwise known for two great fears of strength- the throwing of a piece of wampum across the river Pa-To-Mac and the choppin down of a cherry tree in which the Spirit of Truth resided. The focus of the Nacirema culture is the activity of the human body, appearance and the health of which loom as a dominant concern in the culture of the people. The belief underlying the whole system appears to be that the human body is ugly and that its natural tendency is to debility and disease. In the hierarchy of magical practitioners in the Nacirema culture, second in the lineup are the holy-mouth-men. The Nacirema have a pathological horror of and fascination with the mouth, the condition of which is believed dto have a supernatural influence on all social relationships. If it weren’t for the rituals of the mouth, they believe that their teeth would fall out, their gums bleed, their jaws shrink, their friends desert them, and their lovers would reject them. People seek out a holy-mouth-man once or twice a year. Holy-mouth-men have an impressive set of paraphernalia, consisting of a variety of augers, awls, probes, and prods. The use of these objects are for the exorcism of the evils of the mouth. The holy-mouth-man opens the client’s mouth and, using the above tools, enlarges any holes which decay may have created in the teeth. If there are no naturally occurring holes in the teeth, large sections of one or more teeth are gouged out so that the supernatural substance can be applied. In the client’s view, the purpose of these ministrations is to arrest decay and to draw friends. The natives return to the holy-mouth-men year after year in order to keep sacred and traditional character of the rite. The medicine-men of the Nacirema community have an imposing temple, also called latipso. The latipso is a very elaborate ceremony that is required to treat very sick patients only. These ceremonies are so harsh that it is amazing that the sick natives who enter the temple ever recover. When the supplicant first enters the temple, they are first stripped of all off his or her clothes. In every-day life the Nacirema avoid exposure of his body and its natural functions. Once in the latipso, the body secrecy is lost and the man finds himself naked and assisted by a vestal maiden in which he then performs his natural functions into a secret vessel. These procedures are necessitated by the fact that the excreta are used by a diviner to ascertain the course and nature of the client’s sickness. Female clients who enter the lapitso, find their naked bodies are subjected to the scrutiny, manipulation and prodding of the medicine men. One way that these people address wealth is with shrines. Every household has one or more shrines. The most powerful individuals in society have several shrines in their houses. The shrine rooms of the more wealthy are walled with stone. Poorer families imitate the rich by applying pottery plaques to their shrine walls. Another way I think wealth is defined in their community is the gifts that are given to guardians of temples. The lapitso’s guardian for example, will not admit a client if he cannot give a rich gift to the custodian. And once a client is admitted, they must be able to give the custodian another rich gift before being let out. Cultural relativism is demonstrated by Horace Miner and his capability of understanding and gaining trust of the individual’s culture. The individuals of the Nacirema community opened up to Miner and let him see their sacred and traditional rituals. It was his willingness and openness that let the Nacirema community to trust him. It’s hard for me not to display ethnocentrism towards their community and rituals because it’s completely different from what I have learned and grown up with. None of their rituals that they perform make any sense to me. For example, the women putting their heads in the oven and letting them bake for an hour is hard for me to understand and conceptualize. So, it’s hard for me to say that I think that they’re strange, because that’s their culture and that’s the only think they have ever known. When I put it in perspective and think about their opinions on our culture, they wouldn’t know why we do the things we do within our community. It is very interesting to read about people who once lived in North America and maybe still do live in North America that perform these types of ritual.

The Ethics of Cloning :: Persuasive Essay, Argumentative

The Ethics of Cloning Regardless of what our future holds, it will be based on the decisions we make today.   Those decisions can be made using the Utilitarian Theory which states that we are doing good for the greatest number of people.   Using Rule Utilitarianism "which maintains that a behavioral code or rule is morally right if the consequences of adopting that rule are more favorable than unfavorable to everyone. (IEP)" is justifably noted that if a consensus is formed on the basis of rules that govern cloning, and these rules are broken, the appropriate punishment will result.   This is because cloning a human will not benefit the society as a whole, it would do more harm than good.   We all have rules that govern our society over what is right or wrong and we know that these rules are set forth to maintain order.   We have laws because it benefits the majority of the people.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Principles of Consequences state that when looking at the end result, the correct action will be the action that produces the greatest amount of happiness (Ursery).   To decide if human cloning produces the greatest amount of happiness we have one question still in need of an answer is "Are human embryos really human?" Well, the term 'human' proceeding the term 'embryo' should adequately answer the question. The embryo are cloned from human tissue, contain human DNA, thus there is likely a 100 percent chance that the embryos are indeed human, as opposed to being tadpole embryos. Therefore, biologically speaking a clone is no less a human than you or I. And using that human for tissue simply because he/she was cloned rather than conceived does not validate the notion, nor skip around the moral and ethical implications of taking the life of another human being.   Death is not a happy occasion therefore it does not produce the greatest amount of happines to the majo rity of the popluation.     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The bad consequences out way the good, therefore we cannot assume that the benefit of human cloning will solve life's problems.   To this day we have yet to find a cure for the common cold.   This is because most diseases have a way of surviving, as did the human race during the ice age.   Everything finds a way to adapt to it's environment and if the benefits major benefit for cloning is to cure diseases, then we are at a loss.

Neonatal Screening Prenatal Alcohol Exposure Health And Social Care Essay

Methods: We assessed whether adult females would be willing to partake in a pilot testing plan for antenatal intoxicant exposure in a bad obstetric unit antecedently shown to hold a high prevalence of FAEE-positive meconium when tested anonymously. The testing plan involved voluntary testing of meconium for FAEEs and long-run developmental followup of positive instances through an bing public wellness plan. Consequences: The engagement rate in the showing plan was significantly lower than when proving was offered anonymously ( 78 % vs. 95 % , severally ; p & lt ; 0.05 ) , and the positiveness rate was 3 % A in contrast to 30 % observed under anon. conditions ( P & lt ; 0.01 ) . Interpretation: These low rates suggest that the bulk of imbibing female parents refused to take part. We conclude that despite the possible benefits of such screening plans, maternal involuntariness to consent, probably due to fear, embarrassment, and guilt, may restrict the effectivity of meconium proving for population-based unfastened showing.Introduction:Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder ( FASD ) encompasses the wide scope of physical, cognitive, and behavioural disablements that can originate due to antenatal intoxicant exposure ( 1 ) . Affecting an estimated 9.1/1000 unrecorded births, it is a taking preventable cause of mental deceleration in the western universe ( 2 ) , with estimated one-year costs in Canada transcending $ 5 billion in productiveness losingss, medical costs, particular instruction, societal services, and projecting behaviors ( 3 ) . Although the primary alcohol-induced harm is lasting, early diagnosing is good and associated with a reduced hazard of secondary disablements such as disrupted school experience, unemployment, institutionalization, and problem with the jurisprudence ; probably because it permits early intercession and specialised support ( 4 ) . Unfortunately, acknowledging FASD is highly ambitious and diagnosing is frequently contingent upon set uping a history of important in-utero intoxicant exposure ( 1 ) . Since maternal studies are undependable in providing this information due to remember prejudice and common underreporting ( 5 ; 6 ) , nonsubjective biomarkers have been investigated. Fatty acerb ethyl esters ( FAEEs ) are non-oxidative metabolites of ethyl alcohol formed by esterification of ethyl alcohol to endogenous fatty acids or fatty acyl-CoA ( 7 ; 8 ) that sedimentation and accumulate in foetal meconium ( 9 ; 10 ) . Numerous surveies have validated meconium FAEEs as biomarkers of heavy antenatal intoxicant exposure happening in the last two trimesters of gestation ( 11-19 ) ; understanding between meconium FAEEs and assorted alcohol-related results has been demonstrated ( 18 ; 20-23 ) ; and this trial has been used anonymously to obtain epidemiological informations on antenatal intoxicant exposure in selected populations ( 23-25 ) . It has been recognized that meconium analysis may function as a neonatal showing tool for the designation of alcohol-exposed neonates, and could potentially be implemented as a cosmopolitan screen or targeted to bad populations ( 26 ) . Such testing would non merely supply accurate exposure history required for diagnosing, but if implemented along with a comprehensive follow-up plan and intercessions, could ease early acknowledgment and intervention of FASD ( 26-28 ) . As an added value, it may place and let for intercession in problem-drinking female parents, which, in bend, may forestall future alcohol-exposed gestations ( 7 ) . However, since informed consent from a competent patient or appointed guardian prior to intervention or testing is an ethical and legal constituent of medical pattern ( 29 ; 30 ) , a testing plan of this nature would necessitate consent of the kid ‘s legal defender ( typically the parent ) . This may decrease the value of meconium showing in a clinica l scene since embarrassment, guilt, and frights of stigma and child apprehensiveness may discourage adult females who consumed intoxicant from accepting to proving despite the possible value to child wellness. To find if adult females would volitionally take part in a neonatal showing plan for antenatal intoxicant exposure, we offered meconium proving with subsequent followup, intercessions and societal supports, to adult females from a regional Ontario population presenting in a bad obstetric unit antecedently shown to hold a high prevalence of alcohol-exposed newborns as determined by anon. meconium proving. We assessed the rates of voluntary engagement and positiveness for intoxicant exposure, and compared these with the rates observed with anon. proving.Methods:Capable enlisting:Written informed consent for meconium FAEE analysis and followup of those proving positive was sought from all Grey-Bruce adult females presenting at St. Joseph ‘s Health Care in London Ontario from November 1st, 2008 to May 31st, 2010. Briefly, Grey-Bruce occupants identified by nurses were informed of the survey, offered showing, and given an Informed Consent papers to reexamine and subscribe if they ch ose to take part. Womans were besides informed of the survey through booklets and postings in the pregnancy ward. It was stressed that a positive trial or self-report of imbibing in gestation would non ask engagement of kid protection bureaus, but would be used to originate follow-up by the Public Health nurse and her section and to mobilise support services if needed.Meconium aggregation, handling, and analysis:Meconium specimens from newborns born to accepting adult females were collected into 50-mL screw cap conelike polypropene tubings ( Sarstedt AG & A ; Co. , Numbrecht, Germany ) by nursing staff and labeled with the capable figure to guarantee confidentiality. Samples were stored onsite at -20A °C and shipped on dry ice to the Motherisk Laboratory at Hospital for Sick Children in Toronto, Ontario on a fortnightly footing where they were stored at -80A °C until analysis. Meconium FAEEs were measured utilizing headspace solid-phase microextraction and gas chromatography-mass spectroscopy. The method involves the sensing and quantification of four FAEEs ( ethyl palmitate, linoleate, oleate, and stearate ) utilizing matching d5-ethyl esters as internal criterions. It has been developed and validated in our research lab, and published in item elsewhere ( 31 ; 32 ) . Heptane, ethyl esters ( palmitate, linoleate, oleate, stearate ) , fatty acids ( palmitic, linoleic, oleic, stearic ) , anhydrous ethanol-d6, and thionyl chloride were obtained from Sigma-Aldrich Co. ( St. Louis, MO ) . Acetone was obtained from EMD Chemicals Inc. ( Gibbstown, NJ ) . Chromatograms were analyzed utilizing LabSolutions GCMSsolution package version 2.50SU1 ( Shimadzu, Kyoto, Japan ) . A cumulative amount of a†°?2.00 nmol FAEE/gram meconium was considered positive, bespeaking heavy imbibing with 100 % sensitiveness and 98.4 % specificity as was established in a population ba seline survey that measured meconium FAEEs in newborns born to ascetics, societal drinkers, and confirmed heavy drinkers ( 16 ) .Maternal and neonatal features:Capable features along with gestation and bringing information were obtained from charts of accepting adult females. Additionally, information on intoxicant usage was obtained by the nursing staff utilizing the Parkyn Screening Tool ; a everyday postpartum questionnaire.Follow-up and neurodevelopmental appraisal:Children with positive meconium consequences were followed-up through Ontario ‘s †Healthy Babies Healthy Children † ( HBHC ) plan that involves postpartum home-visits by public wellness nurses who provide personalized support and instruction to households with neonates ( 33 ) . In this survey, the nurse assigned to a positive instance was notified of meconium trial consequences, conducted an in-depth household appraisal ( including a screen for intoxicant usage upsets ) , and enrolled the household i n an on-going home-visiting plan with an individualised household service program that included regular appraisals of developmental mileposts utilizing the Ages and Stages QuestionnairesA ® ( ASQ ) . Children with positive trial consequences besides received neurodevelopmental appraisal by a certified clinical psychologist during two place visits ; around 3 months and 1-1.5 old ages of age. The Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development, Third Edition ( Bayley-IIIA ® ) was used, which measures infant cognitive, lingual, and motor operation. If developmental holds were detected, extra service suppliers were engaged through referrals to intercession plans and specialized services that were provided through HBHC plan and Grey-Bruce Health Unit at no cost to the household. Need for referral to diagnostic services at the Hospital for Sick Children was assessed. Extra support services for the household were available if needed, including dependence intervention, guidance, rearing support, instruction on FASD, nutrition, employment, and diversion.Comparison with anon. meconium testing:The showing plan was launched in a bad obstetric unit where a old survey, utilizing anon. meconium testing, observed a 12-fold higher hazard of FAEE-positive meconium in adult females referred to this site as compared to the general population of the part ( 30 % vs. 2.5 % ) . About 95 % of adult females participated in that survey. To find whether adult females who consumed intoxicant during gestation agreed to take part in the pilot unfastened t esting plan, the rates of voluntary engagement and positiveness for antenatal intoxicant exposure observed in our unfastened plan, were compared to rates observed in that old anon. survey conducted in the same obstetrical unit a twelvemonth before ( 25 ) . Fisher ‘s Exact Test was used to compare the consequences of the two surveies. Two-tailed P-value & lt ; 0.05 was considered statistically important.Ethical motives:The survey was approved by the research moralss boards of the Hospital for Sick Children and the University of Western Ontario.Consequence:Willingness of female parents to take part in unfastened testing plan:Sixty female parents from Grey-Bruce were identified at St. Joseph ‘s Hospital and offered meconium showing, of which 47 adult females consented, numbering a 78 % consent rate ( Figure 1 ) . The maternal and neonatal features of accepting topics are presented in Table 1. The consent rate was significantly lower than that observed in old survey in which meconium was tested anonymously ( 95 % vs. 78 % ) ( P & lt ; 0.05 ) ( Table 2 ) . Of involvement, we documented one case where a adult female recalled take parting in the anon. prevalence survey with her old babe, but refused to take part in this unfastened testing plan when told there would be follow-up of positive instances. Additionally, we encountered a adult female who, although agreed to take part, was uncooperative, repeatedly pretermiting to advise the nurses that meconium had passed and flinging the samples so that none were collected.Positivity for antenatal intoxicant exposure in pilot testing plan:Samples were collected from 50 newborns of which 39 were successfully analyzed ( Figure 1 ) . Merely one of the 39 samples tested above the positive cut-off ( a†°?2 nmol/g ) for FAEE ( 52 nmol/g ) , which translated to a 3 % positiveness rate for antenatal intoxicant exposure. Eleven samples were non-analyzable because of presence of contaminations and/or postpartum stool that impeded chromatography. The ascertained 3 % positiveness rate for antenatal ethyl alcohol exposure was tenfold lower than the 30 % positiveness rate observed under anon. conditions in the old survey ( P & lt ; 0.01 ) ( Table 2 ) .Maternal self-report of intoxicant usage in gestation:Chart reviews did non uncover that substance maltreatment ( intoxicant or drugs ) was the primary ground for referral to St. Joseph ‘s Health Care in any of the instances. Three adult females admitted to devouring any sum of intoxicant in gestation on their antenatal consumption signifiers, including the adult female whose babe ‘s meconium tested positive for FAEEs. However, none reported refering intoxicant usage, with one adult female saying that she drank a†°Ã‚ ¤2 drinks per hebdomad, another coverage that she consumed an â€Å" occasional drink † , and the 3rd saying she drank merely prior to her cognition of gestation without traveling into farther inside informations.F ollow-up and neurodevelopmental appraisal of positive instance:One newborn tested positive for heavy antenatal ethyl alcohol exposure ( 52 nmol FAEE/g meconium ) . Follow-up was arranged as per protocol through the HBHC plan and a public wellness nurse assigned to the instance initiated an appropriate household service program affecting place visits and frequent appraisals of the baby ‘s development. Neurodevelopmental appraisal conducted by a certified clinical psychologist at 3 months of age utilizing BSID-IIIA ® did non uncover any holds ; nevertheless, holds in motor development became evident in 6-month and 8-month appraisals conducted by the public wellness nurse utilizing ASQ. At the 14-month appraisal conducted by a clinical psychologist utilizing BSID-III, the kid scored in low mean scope on motor and linguistic communication graduated tables, exposing holds peculiarly in gross motor and expressive linguistic communication operation, which were good below age outloo ks ( in the 9th and 5th percentile, severally ) . The baby was enrolled in an Infant and Child Development plan and will be referred to a Language and Speech development plan. Referrals to diagnostic clinics have non yet been made, and it is non known whether the ascertained holds are alcohol-related or possibly due to other factors.Interpretation:We observed that engagement and positiveness rates in our unfastened pilot testing plan were significantly lower than those observed when the trial was offered anonymously in the same bad unit, proposing that many adult females who consumed intoxicant in gestation refused to take part, non wishing to be identified by the showing plan. Of involvement, if we assume that all refusals were in fact positive samples, the positiveness rate in our population would number 27 % , which is similar to the positiveness rate observed by Goh and co-workers with anon. meconium testing ( 25 ) . To our cognition, this is the first survey to use biomarkers of foetal intoxicant exposure in an unfastened showing plan designed to ease diagnosing and intervention of alcohol-affected kids. Our consequences suggest that, despite the possible benefits that such screening plans may supply ( as was exemplified by the positive instance ) , adult females ‘s involuntariness to consent may decrease the value of unfastened population-based showing. Schemes to better engagement would necessitate to be investigated if meconium showing is implemented in clinical pattern. For illustration, the â€Å" opt-out † method to derive consent was shown to give higher proving rates in neonatal HIV showing ( 34 ) . Engagement rates may besides increase with societal selling, public instruction, and as the trial becomes established in society. If this occurs, the testing plan piloted here may function as a theoretical account for a plan that can be implemented in a clinical scene since it ut ilized presently bing services in the community. The developmental followup of kids identified by the screen was integrated into Ontario ‘s HBHC plan, and aid to kids exposing holds was provided through bing community wellness plans and services, such as address and linguistic communication, baby and kid development, and rearing support ; which may all be adapted to integrate intercessions and schemes shown to be effectual in helping kids with FASD and their households ( 35 ; 36 ) . Low engagement is non the lone possible obstruction to implementing testing in clinical pattern. The costs and resources required for proving, follow-up, diagnosing, and intercessions, every bit good as, system capacity to manage these instances, must be considered. Two cost-effectiveness surveies analyzing similar conjectural showing plans showed that decrease in secondary disablements and primary bar of FASD by intercession and instruction of female parents may take to social nest eggs ( 27 ; 28 ) . However, more surveies with concrete cost input variables are needed to find this. Furthermore, several ethical considerations could besides impede testing execution. Although showing can better quality of life through early diagnosing, observing maternal imbibing during gestation and labeling kids as â€Å" at-risk † may transport serious psychosocial deductions for these kids and their households, and affect relationships both within the household and between the household and society, including their service suppliers ( 37 ) . The trial consequences may potentially be misused by tribunals, societal services, insurance companies, and even within the health-care system through stigmatisation of patients ensuing in their under-treatment. To guarantee that households experience maximal benefits and minimal hazards, issues environing confidentiality, entree to consequences, and their usage, must be carefully considered. Our survey has restrictions. The pilot testing plan was implemented at a third parturition site, which was chosen due to the high prevalence of FAEE-positive meconium shown in a old anon. survey. Because Grey-Bruce communities are reasonably little in size, the consequences may hold been different if showing was implemented at a primary parturition site, where patients may be more trusting of their wellness attention suppliers, who probably provided them with antenatal attention. Alternatively, because the community is little, adult females may be even less likely to accept because of frights of stigmatisation and other societal deductions that may be more marked in a little community. Whatever the instance may be, the consequences may non be applicable to a primary health-care scene in a little community. To sum up, this is the first survey to implement an unfastened neonatal testing plan for antenatal intoxicant exposure aimed at easing sensing and direction of FASD. Follow-up, intercessions, and support plans were individualized and offered within the model of presently available services in the country, thereby patterning a plan that could be implemented in clinical pattern. We demonstrated that adult females ‘s involuntariness to partake in this showing, particularly of those who consumed intoxicant in gestation, may impede the execution of such testing plans in clinical pattern. Future surveies should research schemes that may better adult females ‘s willingness to consent, every bit good as, evaluate and reference other possible barriers to testing by finding the cost-effectiveness, logistics, and best patterns for plan execution.

The Concept Of Race In Désirées Baby By Kate Chopin

In her short story named â€Å"Dà ©sirà ©e’s Baby†, Kate Chopin gives readers an inside view of the concept of race in the pre-Civil War era of Louisiana. Chopin’s protagonist, Dà ©sirà ©e, clashes with societal standards because of her mixed-race child and unknown racial origins. Race becomes a major conflict throughout the story and drives Dà ©sirà ©e’s husband to blame her for the child. The ironic ending of the story not only gives a surprising twist but also makes a stand against the concept of biological race. While the racial issues of â€Å"Dà ©sirà ©e’s Baby† were set in the past, these social concepts still occur today in the modern era. The concept of race in the pre-Civil War era develops a major conflict between the characters†¦show more content†¦And my skin is fair,† (424). Dà ©sirà ©e’s reactions to the realization of her baby’s mixed-race and the accusation of not being fully white are d ue to the way race was defined in pre-Civil War Louisiana. Throughout the story, race is defined solely by skin color and those that were not purely white were ridiculed, shamed, abused and treated the same as African-American slaves. Dà ©sirà ©e, Madame Valmonde, and Armand were distressed upon knowing the baby’s mixed-race heritage because of the social impact it would have on their lives. Although the ending of the story may only seem to be an ironic twist of events to some readers, I believe that it also attempts to define race as a social construct. After Armand sends Dà ©sirà ©e and the baby away, he begins burning their belongings and finds a letter from his mother to his father that states, â€Å"night and day, I thank the good God for having so arranged our lives that our dear Armand will never know that his mother, who adores him, belongs to the race that is cursed with the brand of slavery† (425). Although Armand was African-American, he was not treated as such because the origin of his race was hidden from everyone. Although there are hints to Armand’s race throughout the story, such as when Dà ©sirà ©e stated, â€Å"Look at my hand; whiter than yours, Armand, (424); his appearance did not affect his life because he was believed to be white. Armand’sShow MoreRelatedThe Story Of An Hour By Kate Chopin1540 Words   |  7 PagesIn Kate Chopin’s â€Å"The Story of an Hour†, the main character, Mrs. Louise Mallard, is a woman with a heart problem that gets horrifying news that her husband has passed away in a train crash. When she starts thinking about her freedom, she gets excited; she is happy to start her new, free life. However, a few hours later her husband walks in the door and she finds out it was all a mistake. When she realizes her freedom is gone her heart stop and she then dies. 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